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Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1004
July 2, 2014

Socialist Project - home

NDP Lurch to the Right Underscores Need for
A New, Left-Wing Party in Canada

Roger Annis

Voters in Canada's largest and most industrialized province went to the polls on June 5 to choose a provincial government. The choices were limited lesser evils, ‘bad,’ or ‘worse,’ constrained by a lurch to the political right by the union-based Ontario New Democratic Party (ONDP).

This follows elections last year in Nova Scotia and British Columbia that were marked by the drift to the right of the NDP and electoral disappointments similar to what the party suffered in Ontario.

By contrast, in the Quebec election earlier this year, voters had the choice of a left-wing party, Québec solidaire, and the party made modest gains. Though there are political weaknesses in the QS political platform (from a socialist perspective) and like the rest of the country, Quebec voters have no left-wing party to vote for federally, the existence of Québec solidaire provides an important experience in which to debate and apply policy and further develop a left-wing, anti-capitalist platform and direction.

So what was the recent experience in Ontario? What are the prospects for the political left in Canada to break out of the constraints of lesser evilism and forge a new party of the left?

The Election

Sitting on the political right in Ontario is the Conservative Party. Its campaign proposed to revisit the years of slash and burn to social services of former Premier Mike Harris. A key Conservative plank was to slash 100,000 jobs from the provincial civil service. The party proposed further privatization of government and social services.

Less stridently right-wing was the incumbent Liberal Party. Its election program feigned a socially progressive program (more on that later).

The Liberals’ ‘progressive’ ruse was made easier by the default of the New Democratic Party. As I reported at the beginning of the election, ONDP leader Andrea Horwath disappointed much of her party's base by positioning herself to the right of the Liberals.

David Bush, an editor at Rank and, described the election outcome this way:

“The provincial election in Ontario was fundamentally about Tim Hudak's austerity agenda, specifically his plan to cut 100,000 public sector jobs. There were of course local and regionally differences in terms of what motivated voters, but ultimately this election was a referendum on Hudak's plan.

“And on that front what happened was positive. Ontario voted down the most pro-austerity party, and by and large labour's campaign to stop Hudak worked. The Tories were thoroughly trounced at the polls.

“However, this anti-Hudak sentiment was translated into a Liberal majority. And it's hard to celebrate four more years of Bay Street's favourite party.”

Voter turnout surged by some 540,000 votes compared to the turnout in the 2011 provincial election which saw a record low turnout of 49 per cent. This time, the turnout climbed back to the 2007 level of 52 per cent of registered voters.

By the numbers, the Liberals increased their vote total by 238,000 and the ONDP by 163,000. The Conservative vote dropped by 24,000 votes. The Liberals won a majority government with 39 per cent of those who voted. The ONDP lost three seats in Toronto and gained three in smaller cities, to sit exactly where it was at the outset of the election (which the party triggered by voting against a Liberal budget) – 21 seats in the 107-seat Ontario Legislature.

Lesser Evil Illusions

The lesser-evil appearance of the Liberals is built on illusion. The party's election platform was anything but progressive. Its key proposal is to create a supplementary pension plan due to federal government refusal to improve the Canada Pension Plan. But it remains a vague promise. Will an Ontario plan be a universal and defined benefit plan like the CPP? Or will it be a version of the defined-contribution investment fund (‘private pooled pension plan’) floated by the federal government some four years ago as a way to dodge pressure for CPP improvements? We do not know.

The Liberals have promised $15-billion to tackle the chronic public transit crisis in the Toronto region. Transit planning in Toronto is grossly in arrears and still there is no consensus on how to proceed. The Liberal transit proposals are modest – build a ‘relief’ subway line to ease subway congestion into the downtown core, expand an existing subway line in the Scarborough suburb, electrify existing suburban regional rail service, and expand regional rail service to several cities in the region.

Many transit experts consider the ‘relief’ subway line proposal to be misguided. They say expansion of suburban train corridors is key to transit improvement. A measure of that challenge is that the replacement of diesel powered trains with electrification alone will cost $2-billion and take more than ten years to realize. In a June 26 op-ed in the Toronto Star, urban affairs writer John Lorinc reminds Premier Kathleen Wynne, a former transportation minister, that the 30-year transit plan of Metrolinx, the regional transit authority in Toronto, is costed at $35-billion.

There is pressure on the Liberals from within for a new Toronto transit authority that would be a combination of privatized service and authoritarian, ‘not-for-profit’ management of the rest (similar to what has happened federally with ports and airports).

The Liberals say they will reduce the government's $12.5-billion annual budget deficit to zero by 2017-18. That's bad news for the poorest of society. There was nothing of substance proposed in the election to address the terrible lack of affordable housing in Toronto and other cities in the province or to improve miserly social welfare rates and services.

Before the election call, the Liberals had already frozen the wages and benefits of public sector workers and announced plans to cut pension benefits.

The failures in tackling transportation, housing and other pressing social needs in Toronto have been amplified by three wasted years of the train wreck known as Mayor Rob Ford. His governing clique has been aided and abetted by the highest echelons of the Conservative Party and government in Ottawa, including the man Ford has called his “fishing partner,” Stephen Harper, and the late, long-serving Finance Minister Jim Flaherty who “campaigned hard” for Ford in the 2010 municipal election.

Prior to announcing the election, Premier Wynne responded to pressure for a radical increase to the minimum wage by raising it to $11 per hour. “Not good enough,” says the union-supported ‘$14 Now!’ campaign. It says it will continue its monthly rallies and outreach blitzes that began in March of last year.

The Workers Action Center in Toronto issued a statement on June 6 saying, “it is more important than ever that we build our power to hold elected officials to their promises and to win fair wages and decent work. Let's start with a powerful community delegation to remind the new Minister of Labour that over one million workers in Ontario need a raise to $14 now!” [See June 18th event.]

The largest part of the provincial budget – 42 per cent of total spending – is healthcare delivery, $50.1-billion in 2014-15. Hospital budgets were frozen in 2012-13 or 2013-14 and the reelected government says the freeze will remain in place.

Two large parts of that spending are Liberal initiatives in recent years that Toronto Star columnist Martin Regg Cohen calls “unproven and controversial ventures” – Local Health Integration Networks, which decide on the financing of hospitals ($24-billion annually), and Community Care Access Centers (CCACs), which deliver home care (nearly $2-billion annually).

An example of wasteful and abusive health spending are the salaries of CCAC executives. Fifteen top executives who run Ontario home care were paid nearly $4-million in 2012, the most recent year that salary data is available. That's an average of $266,000 each. The association of registered nurses in the province wants an end to CCACs, calling them an expensive duplication of services.

NDP Shift to the Populist Right

The ONDP election campaign borrowed on right-wing, populist themes. Its slogan – ‘Makes Sense’ – bizarrely harkened to the harsh ‘Common Sense Revolution’ austerity program of the Harris Conservative years of the late 1990s and early 2000s. The party campaign focused almost exclusively on condemning the Liberals for several of their pet projects that wasted billions of dollars – notably the Ornge ambulance transport service the government created, and cancelled construction of several natural gas electricity stations intended to replace coal-fired stations. Because the ONDP chose to focus so much of its attention on scandal, the Liberals appeared more receptive to the big concerns of many voters – jobs and the economy, transit, public spending and debt, etc.

Horwath was silent during the considerable public debate on the minimum wage that preceded the election. She came out in support of $12 late in the election. She opposed Liberal talk of pension improvements, saying these should come from the federal government. But the federal government has been refusing for years to make any improvements to the CPP. Aping its big business supporters, the government calls public pension fees a “payroll tax.” Horwath could have used her election campaign to urge a fight for pension improvements instead of passively giving in.

Like the Liberals, Horwath's main economic proposal was to financially reward companies that invest in the province. She also threw in some cheap, populist ‘pocketbook’ proposals to reduce selected fees and taxes.

Added to last year's NDP election losses in Nova Scotia and British Columbia, the Ontario vote spells bad news for prospects for the party in next year's federal election. The Liberals in Ontario proved able to put on a pretend left face at very little cost to themselves and the wealthy class they represent. A similar performance by the federal Liberals is now more likely than ever.

It won't take much for them to appear to the left of Stephen Harper's Conservatives. There is a deepening disaffection by a large majority of the population with the Conservatives. This will create intense pressure on working-class voters to select the ‘lesser evil’ with the best chance to defeat Harper.

In the 2011 federal election, the NDP won a stunning breakthrough in Quebec by winning 59 of the 75 seats there. That catapulted the party into official opposition status in the federal Parliament. The unique circumstances that created that breakthrough in Quebec – the simultaneous discrediting of the Liberal Party and the pro-Quebec sovereignty Bloc québécois – are less acute. Indeed, the rather easy victory of the discredited Quebec Liberals in the Quebec election three months ago is a further indicator of the NDP's tenuous hold on second-party status in Ottawa.

Left Alternative Needed

After four years of right-wing Conservative government in Ottawa, there will be strong ‘anybody but Conservatives’ (ABC) pressure at play next year on the large majority of adults who do not vote Conservative. Many progressively inclined voters will be inclined or cajoled to choose between the NDP or Liberals, including choosing which among the two is most likely to win each, specific electoral district.

The Liberal Party should be rejected out of principle. It is one of the twin parties of Bay Street. But the NDP is no better than a lesser-evil option. Federal NDP leader Tom Mulcair made a not-so-subtle reminder of this in a recent interview in which he reaffirmed his ideological devotion to the right-wing, social democratic example and legacy of former British prime minister Tony Blair. Mulcair has also affirmed his support for destructive fossil fuel projects that will worsen the climate crisis, including the Energy East and Line 9 pipelines that would bring Alberta tar sands bitumen to eastern Canada for export to foreign markets.

The right drift of all the provincial NDP sections is increasingly pronounced. In British Columbia, the party responded to last year's harsh electoral loss by choosing a new leader, John Horgan, who is devoted to more, destructive resource extraction projects such as natural gas fracking, clearcut logging and mining. He supports the use of BC ports for expanded coal exports to Asia and does not rule out tar sands pipelines to the BC coast provided they include “environmental safeguards.”

In New Brunswick, the NDP is undergoing a sharp shift to the right in which two sitting members of the provincial legislature from the Conservative and Liberal parties have been approved by the party leader as candidates in the next provincial election. The president of the NDP district association where the Conservative is to run has quit, saying he wants out of the “Un democratic party.” He says, “I'll be back when the reign of terror is over,” referring to NDP leader Dominic Cardy's sharp right turn.

So a new, left-wing and anti-capitalist political direction and party is needed. That's a key lesson to draw from the Ontario election and from the experiences in other provinces. It is needed for evident social and environmental reasons. It's also a way to sharpen a fight for political accountability in the present political alignment. Extra-Parliamentary protests are vital in fighting for reforms and creating a political alternative. But it's a big weakness when there are no anti-capitalist voices in the electoral arena. That leaves the pro-capitalist NDP holding a political monopoly on the left. (A similar argument, on a smaller scale, applies in the environmental arena with respect to the pro-private enterprise Green Party.)

Such an alternative, at the ballot box and in the streets, would also address the growing disaffection of young and working-class people from political engagement. While the official voter turnout in this latest Ontario election was 52 per cent, that number does not account for some one million adult-age persons who do not register to vote. That means the real participation rate in the election was in the lower 40 per cent range. A disproportionate number of those not registering to vote are surely young and working-class voters.

The disaffection of young people from the electoral process is a worldwide phenomenon and should be a concern for any serious party or political project. Youth are the hardest hit by rising unemployment, the narrowing access to higher education, the high cost of urban transport, the decline of public healthcare, and so many other manifestations of declining capitalism. They are vulnerable to the consumerism and other false values that capitalism projects so powerfully. They will be especially receptive to a political project that can address their two largest concerns – meaningful jobs and economic stability, and the fate of the Earth and its ecology.

An anti-capitalist party and political platform would also appeal to the great many NDP supporters who are anti-capitalist in their outlook. Here are some proposals that a movement of mass, political mobilization needs to fight for:

  • improving the Canada Pension Plan, restoring cuts to the unemployment insurance program and creating a national child care program
  • increasing social welfare incomes and services, including a vast program to build social housing
  • changing the discredited and deeply discriminatory temporary foreign worker program such that every foreign worker coming to Canada has a path to citizenship
  • preserving postal services, including door to door delivery, and expanding rail service throughout the country
  • investing in the vast societal shift needed to end the reliance on fossil fuels and end all the excess and waste that is driving global warming
  • financing needed social and environmental improvements by raising taxes on the wealthy, drastically cutting the military budget and nationalizing the banks
  • withdrawing Canada from imperialist military alliances such as NATO and from military adventures such as in Ukraine and eastern Europe. Promoting Canadian solidarity with the Non-Aligned Movement, the UN Group of 77 countries + China and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). For Canadian withdrawal from the Organization of American States
  • decentralizing governing institutions in favour of local democracy
  • convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the Canadian constitution, including abolition of the unelected Senate and recognition of self-determination and political sovereignty for Quebec and First Nations

Unity around such a broad platform will be difficult to achieve, but it can be done if the campaigns around which working-class people are organizing simultaneously develop political visions. It's no coincidence that Québec solidaire has arisen before something comparable in English Canada – the party's development is propelled by a shared vision of a progressive, sovereign Quebec and a government that can lead a fight to win that. And the results of elections to the European Union in May were very encouraging in a number of countries, including in Greece and Ireland where Syriza and Sinn Fein topped the polls, respectively, and in Spain where the brand new party Podemos (We Can) captured eight per cent.

Socialist society offers to the individual a path to realize his and her full human potential. To get there, we need a revolutionary, democratic government that carries through a transformation of politics and economics one confident step at a time. That's the appealing prospect around which the socialist and anti-capitalist left should cohere so that we needn't endure another, dreary election spectacle in which the only meaningful choice is ‘none of the above.’ We owe it to ourselves and to the planet to do better than that. •

Roger Annis is a writer in Vancouver BC. He publishes a website featuring his writings and those of others at A Socialist in Canada.


#17 Anonymous 2015-01-06 15:43 EDT
Greens by province
One interesting thing to note is how many parties, the green party especially are in whatever province they are, Greens in Québec and Manitoba are really left and progressive while Greens in BC are really right wing, (as are all the other parties in B.C)

The Manitoba Greens when you read their platform have a few small bourgeois things but they are to the left even of our Provincial NDP who constantly pander to business, and whose solution to everything is taxing the working population more (while giving more incentives for outside business).

#16 Patrick 2014-07-04 23:03 EDT
New Left Party
I'm surprised Roger did not mention the Socialist Party of Ontario which has an organization similar to Quebec Solidaire and is anti-capitalist. The Party's socialist platform could easily include all of the proposals mentioned in the article.

The NDP is merely a liberal light party of business and those socialists who remain in it in the hope of moving left are a hindrance to any alternative left party. It would be much better if the NDP bosses removed any reference to "socialism" from within as the Party is neither socialist or progressive.

#15 Eric 2014-07-04 21:45 EDT
Green limitations
The Greens do have progressives, such as Trinity-Spadina provincial candidate Tim Grant. And Elizabeth May is left on many issues, as well as articulate, hard-working and effective as an MP. Which makes it all the odder that she besmirched her reputation last fall: after accepting a speaking invitation with Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME), she condescendingly dumped on the group, then unsuccessfully tried to cover up her misdeed. (, sadly.)

Now, also sadly, the federal NDP is barring Paul Manley from running for a nomination because he publicly defended his octogenarian father, former NDP MP Jim Manly, when he was held incommunicado by Israel for challenging the illegal blockade of Gaza.

So while the Greens may be evolving as a party and are worth watching, perhaps even engaging with, they're no panacea. Their sometimes attractive proposals often sidestep class and justice issues.

#14 Lawrence Boxall 2014-07-04 16:04 EDT
Urgent action required
#13 Purple Library Guy raises an issue that deserves treatment as a full article in The Bullet. Time is running out insofar as the state of nature and the web of life is concerned. It is imperative that we find a different way of organizing because we are now in an emergency more severe than human society has ever faced. There is no time left to muck about. Considering what Purple Library Guy is suggesting may very well prove be a good start.

#13 Purple Library Guy 2014-07-04 13:24 EDT
Root causes, note on PR
The question that nobody seems to raise is, WHY is the NDP lurching to the right? And for that matter, why has it been gradually shifting to the right for essentially its entire existence? For that matter, the NDP is hardly alone in this. Social Democratic and even hard leftist parties have been drifting rightwards all over Europe for decades, including relatively new formations like Die Linke. Ultimately if that is not solved, I don't see how we can avoid it happening all over again in whatever new party gets started.

Answers seem to involve the reliance on media coverage to make gains in "mind share"; given that the media ownership is both concentrated and composed entirely of the very rich people that any genuine left party is going to be hosing, attempts to gain positive media coverage inevitably mean watering down leftist stands. At the same time, vulnerability to this problem is created by the organization structures of political parties (and most other structures in our capitalist environment). Even parties which intend to be "grassroots" or "mass" parties are created as hierarchical structures, with an elected leader, maybe some elected executives, and then a professional staff organization appointed by the leadership and structured in a hierarchical fashion much like a capitalist firm. The membership at large can give input but have no control. The full time leaders and staff are no doubt somewhat interested in what the membership think and want, but feel they know best.

Such a professionalized organization will inevitably see the problem of gaining power in terms of tactics the professionals can employ. That is to say, not mass organization and consciousness raising, but fund raising, message crafting, "branding", media placement and so forth. Which puts them squarely in the terrain controlled by the capitalist media and means they will inevitably move to the right, always assuming that this is the only way and the membership just don't understand.

(The other possibility is that the "professionals" will become professional theorists rather than professional electioneers, and we end up with yet another one of those little sectarian Leninist sort of "parties" that does nothing and goes nowhere.)

The only way to defeat this problem would be to form a party which was structured differently, which explicitly incorporated egalitarian membership control on a significant scale. Such a party would need to realize that success would have to be gained without mainstream media support, and indeed inevitably against considerable mainstream media opposition if the party became successful (example: The media hostility to Chavismo in Venezuela), and so commit to using, and creating, other channels to communicate its message. When it comes to democratizing a party or movement, luckily the internet is allowing people to create new ways of collaborating and making decisions. An example I think holds a good deal of potential came out of the Occupy movement in New Zealand in collaboration with a sort of software co-operative:

It's a simple tool for doing collaborative egalitarian decision-making online. A party that ran itself with such tools might be able to overcome the tendency for professionalized hierarchies to run the show, and so retain a "mass party" emphasis and resist the temptation to give in and water down the party for the media.

On the other hand, just forming another party for the sake of being another party, but running it the same way as the old party, will not and cannot work. It'd be like the New Politics Initiative, whose Achilles heel was that while it advocated new ways of doing things, it didn't actually adopt any new ways of doing things. It duly died, was folded back into the NDP, and left barely a ripple. But even if it hadn't died, it was ultimately hollow and could only have gone in the same direction as the NDP.

On a secondary note, any new party will of course be vulnerable to the whole problem of splitting the vote. We may want to work toward a new party, but we definitely need proportional representation. If we get proportional representation, a new party becomes a no-brainer rather than an exercise in balancing potential benefits against painful costs.

#12 gerrit 2014-07-04 11:02 EDT
Quebec Solitaire?
The SPO has a almost identical platform. check it out at

Membership Secretary: Harry

Riding association:

#11 Anonymous 2014-07-04 10:40 EDT

What is this?
We have a new Party to the Left. Organized mostly by disheartened former NDP members. It's The SPO. The Socialist Party of Ontario:

#10 Lawrence Boxall 2014-07-03 16:21 EDT
Greens and a socialist alternative
Thanks for an excellent overall analysis. Particularly the list of proposals toward the end of this article provide a concrete basis for beginning the organizing needed to start building a genuine left party.

Steve's comments under “What about the Green party” highlights a real problem socialists have to face in the Canadian situation. On the one hand, the Greens in Canada are very pointedly a private enterprise-supporting party, unlike the U.S. greens, and therefore I don't feel too happy about helping to build that party. On the other hand, there are a great many supporters of the Greens we should see as allies in the fight to restore and maintain ecosystemic integrity of the life-support systems on our planet while at the same time creating a just society that nourishes all of life as well as promoting the intellectual, emotional and physical well-being of every individual human being on the planet. The specifics of Annis's list is an excellent starting point that needs to be carefully expanded so that we can fire the imagination of millions who hunger for the better life than capitalism will deny us.

#9 Anonymous 2014-07-03 05:31 EDT
capitalist democracy II
Gerry Caplan's G & M online article was October 2010 not 2012.

#8 Anonymous 2014-07-02 18:04 EDT
capitalist democracy
Why would anyone be surprised by the ONDP or NDP lurch to the right? This has been going on since the Regina Manifesto.

Gerry Caplan wrote a Globe & Mail online article in October 2012 titled, the hidden history of Bob Rae's government in Ontario. It demonstrates the limits of electoral party politics in a capitalist democracy.

#7 John 2014-07-02 17:40 EDT
Great article. I joined QS out of solidarity and a desire for a real alternative to neoliberlism and I've been impressed with the party although having just returned from Quebec City I think I can say that it's appeal is pretty limited.
It amazes me how many ex-NDPers I meet these days like myself - more than actual NDP supporters.
It seems to me from the recent election in Ontario that the party still counts on a small number of (mainly) older, white middle and upper middle class supporters who come out at election time with time and money to donate; however as in other Western liberal-democracies this is a quickly shrinking group. And I suspect that the low-income, unemployed/underemployed, and marginalized folks who support the NDP at election time (the people being left behind by what passes for a "recovery" these days) are voting for a party that has long since disappeared and are not really aware of what the NDP says it will and won't do in power.

We do need a new "movement"-based party like QS but it won't be easy to build in the cultural and political environment that exists today and perhaps that explains why no one is coming forward to start it. So thank goodness we have Unfor, CUPE, CUPW, the new CLC Prez, Elizabeth May and all the grassroots groups out there that are fighting back. Progressive change will come but it is likely a long way off.

#6 mathyeti 2014-07-02 16:49 EDT
Downtown Relief Line
"Many transit experts consider the ‘relief’ subway line proposal to be misguided. They say expansion of suburban train corridors is key to transit improvement."

I don't see the logic in building suburban subways or train corridors to bring more people downtown when the centre of Toronto is already in gridlock, and the subways jampacked at rush hour. A "relief" line seems to be a necessity. What other city of this size has only one subway line passing through the downtown core?

Another way of addressing the ongoing disaster which is central Toronto is to discard the philosophy of "growth is good". Uncontrolled development in the centre results in ever-increasing stress on the transit system.

I too believe that the Green Party deserves serious consideration as an alternative to the Bay Street triplets.

#5 Michael Nabert 2014-07-02 13:19 EDT
The Party on the Left
There is a party on the left already, the Green party, which has polled as high as 8.4%, which translates into support from one voter in twelve. It baffles me that calls for another party on the left so frequently fail to even mention the existence of a serious option that is already on the ballot. The minimum wage discussion is a prime example. It's unsurprising that the Conservatives appear to be opposed to any sort of wage regulation at all. The Liberal move to $11 served to pretend to take action on the issue while further entrenching working poverty that affects over a million Ontarians. The NDP made no effort whatsoever to advocate for a living wage or any actions that might functionally alleviate poverty, content to float out a tepid $12 proposal which is still working poverty but looks incrementally more progressive than the Liberals. The Green platform, by contrast, includes a Guaranteed Universal Income, completely unmentioned by any media of any sort during the campaign.

If the voices regularly decrying the lack of a political voice on the left remembered to at least mention the existence of the Greens, we might accomplish a lot more than we do when everyone throws their hands in the air and talks about starting from scratch. I think it's particularly telling that despite fairly widespread support for the Greens among voters, the places that the public normally goes for information, be it blogs, newspapers, or television (in one poll, 38% of respondents said they choose who to vote for by watching the leaders' debates), offer no information about the Green platform at all, or in many cases fail to mention the mere existence of the party (as your otherwise excellent article also does). It's like having the three primary parties shouted in your face for eight hours a day while information about the fourth option on your ballot is buried in a box somewhere in the backyard, requiring voters that want to know what their choices represent to look for an X to start digging under.

#4 Steve 2014-07-02 13:12 EDT
What about the Green party
What about the Green party as an alternative? I don't think too much weight can or should be given to the perceived ideological slant of the party, but rather the fact that it seems to be more responsive than the other parties by far to its grass roots. Plus I personally think Elizabeth May is a person of integrity, unlike the 3 other leaders. Some will say it's a wasted vote because the Greens have 0% chance of forming the next government. But for the NDP nothing short of a miracle will give them victory. I have voted (wasted my vote) NDP all my life, but I'm so disgusted with them at the federal and provincial levels that I can't keep doing it in good conscience. So instead of creating a whole new party from scratch, why not work with the green party's already large base of supporters to strengthen its progressive green agenda and dream/work towards an eventual breakthrough at the ballot box while keeping one's conscience clean and not voting for any of the establishment parties?

#3 Diana Ralph 2014-07-02 12:21 EDT
Thanks for an excellent analysis
Thanks for this helpful analysis. Quebec Solidaire is a good model to follow for the rest of Canada.

#2 Rob 2014-07-02 11:49 EDT
Union Based Ontario NDP
I think as some Unions have left the NDP the NDP has also stepped away from Unions. Not sure why you had to put Union Based in your otherwise accurate article. Many of the points you mentioned have been fought for long and hard by Unions. The NDP faithful have blamed Unions for the results of the Ontario election but it's the NDP's move to the right that has also fractured many Union Locals throughout the province.

#1 Charlie Huisken 2014-07-02 11:00 EDT
Toronto municipal election
One quibble:
The last Toronto municipal election in which Ford was elected mayor was in October 2010 not 2011.

[Ed: thanks Charlie -- it's been fixed now.]

Comments are now closed.

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