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Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1101
April 3, 2015

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The rise of Podemos (“We Can”) in the Spanish state – and of its counterpart Podem in Catalonia – has presented a new challenge to both the Catalan independence movement and to the traditional left in that subordinated national component of the Spanish state. Pablo Iglesias and other Podemos leaders, while indicating sympathy for self-determination of Catalonia, do not support its independence.

A key issue now on the agenda in Catalonia is how to combine the social emancipatory perspective of Podem/Podemos with the ascendant popular support for sovereignty or independence as registered last November 9 in a referendum that was opposed by the central government in Madrid.

In the following article a leading participant in the revolutionary Marxist left in Catalonia, Josep Maria Antentas, suggests that the new context requires a recalibration of strategy of both the independence movement (which he supports) and the social layers primarily influenced by Podem/Podemos around a mutual strategy that combines support for self-determination of Catalonia and other national components of the existing state with a democratic and progressive social agenda.

A New Alliance?

This strategic orientation and alliance, if successful, would defeat the two-party centre-right governing coalition in Catalonia headed by Artur Mas's Liberal party CDC and the Catalan independence party ERC, which currently stands as an obstacle to the further progress of the independence movement. And the establishment of a progressive independent republic in Catalonia could help to smash the remaining pillars of the post-Francoist central state as constituted by the Regime of 1978, which restored the monarchy and has been dominated up to now by the neoliberal alternance in government of the right-wing People's Party (currently led by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy) and the social-democratic Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), led by Pedro Sánchez.

Josep Maria Antentas suggests that the appropriate approach in the forthcoming Catalan elections, now scheduled for September 27, is to focus on pluralistic multiparty support for the constitution of a democratic and progressive Catalan Republic while leaving open the nature of the future relationship of this and other potential national republics with a possible reconstituted form of the Spanish state.

These strategic choices may resonate with anticapitalists in Quebec and English Canada who are now beginning to reflect on ways in which progressive support for independence of Quebec and self-determination of the indigenous peoples – the leading popular forces in articulating the need for alternative progressive constitutional and social change – can be combined with a democratic social agenda in the Canadian state around a common strategy that not only breaks with neoliberalism but poses the need to go beyond capitalism.

I have added a few explanatory notes to Antentas’ article, which I translated from the Spanish.

— Richard Fidler is an Ottawa member of the Socialist Project. A version of this article was first published on his blog Life on the Left.

An estimated 1.8 million people demonstrated in Barcelona on September 12 for the right to vote on Catalonia's political future on November 9. The demonstration had a V shape (the V standing for “votar” (voting) and “voluntat” (will)) and its participants also formed a human mosaic of the Catalan flag, with red stripes on a yellow background.

Podemos and the Catalan
Independence Process

Josep Maria Antentas

The emergence of Podemos has politically awakened a section of the Catalan people that is, in its majority, outside of (which does not mean opposed to) the political and social imagination of the independentist process and the image and representation that it has outlined of Catalonia, one that is less heterogeneous as far as national identities are concerned than it really is.

This Catalonia, in fact, has been losing its protagonistic character since the workers’ movement broke up as a central political and social actor, to be replaced by other social movements with greater weight in the middle classes in the full meaning of the term. Suddenly there has appeared a more diverse Catalonia, which in some ways had already burst abruptly into the public squares in the course of the anti-austerity movement, providing a more complex image of what the country is, of its political system, and of the political alignments of its popular layers.

It was a Catalonia that has not been represented up to now (or which had been represented by forces in decline and unreported), led by an alternative and rising political instrument. And indirectly it has complicated even further the political strategy to be followed by the popular forces, which have a complex interaction between the social and the national and a complicated political architecture to devise as to which identities it refers.

A homogeneous people does not exist, nor does a linear “popular unity.” There is a diverse and heterogeneous people, whose collective identity is under construction and which, in so far as its national identity and its relation with the independentist process are concerned, has diverse inclinations or feelings. It was this “people” who enthusiastically attended the meeting with Pablo Iglesias in the Vall d'Hebron in Barcelona last December 21, like those who participated in the massive actions in the neighborhoods and cities by Teresa Forcades[1] and Arcado Oliveres,[2] or those who identify with David Fernández.[3] This is definitely a people who cannot be reduced to monolithic representations of “popular unity.”

An image of an overly homogenous “people,” at the decisive moment, can lead to representing what is politically a minority of these people, taking the part for the whole without generating an attractive pole, a sufficiently powerful magnet to serve as the nodal point of a majoritarian bloc that allows a collective congregation around a coherent but plural project in its (self-)representa­tions.

A New Political Synthesis?

How are we to synthesize politically the popular bloc that today looks to divergent possible futures and that remains partially divided as to its identification with the independentist project? This synthesis, as complex as it is essential, difficult but full of potential, is the winning formula in Catalonia. It is the equation that can defeat Mas and, at the same time, maintain the sovereigntist challenge in order to deal a well-aimed and perhaps decisive blow to the regime that Rajoy and Pedro Sánchez hope to keep afloat.

On the contrary, the risk to be avoided, and which has no future, is one of a fracture of the Catalan popular layers at the base of the sovereigntist process that results in a dual situation with no way out: on the one hand, a minority alternative left (CUP, the sectors more to the left of ERC, etc.) within a sovereigntist bloc (with a political and electoral majority precariously united in everything else), led by CDC and the ERC leadership; on the other hand, a democratic and anti-austerity pole, represented by Podem,[4] outside of the sovereigntist process and, despite its electoral relevance, without the capacity to have a political and electoral majority in Catalonia. That is the two-part losing formula, the formula that drives a bifurcated lethal spear into the heart of the strategy, provoking a political infarction with a tragic ending.

The synthesis perspective consists of defending after September 27 the realization of an act of effective sovereignty, both formal and substantive, by the Parliament of Catalonia, that breaks with the legality of the 1978 framework but without prefiguring the final result in so far as it refers to the relations between Catalonia and the Spanish state. That is, the opening of a Catalan constituent process that lays the bases for a new institutional framework and a new Catalan Republic, whose relationship to the Spanish state is to be discussed at the end of that process.

Those within the popular and working classes who have an independentist horizon, and those who do not, can now come together around the need for an act of unilateral sovereignty and the proclamation of a distinct Republic, an act that would have a dual consequence. First, it would open the door to discussing what model of country we want, in Catalonia, and therefore to “decide everything,” precisely what Mas does not want. Second, it would pose an unprecedented institutional challenge to the legal framework of 1978 and the Rajoy government, and substantively take a further step forward along the path expressed on November 9.

The correlation of that focus must be to insert the opening of a Catalan constituent process within the perspective of initiating on a state-wide scale particular national and sovereign constituent processes, and feedback processes, to put an end to the Regime of 1978. A Catalan constituent process is neither subsidiary to nor dependent on one that is Spanish, nor is it something that ignores what is happening in the state as a whole. To the contrary, a strategic articulation of the various sovereignties is what can help to smash the pillars that are still standing of the battered post-Francoist political and institutional framework.

The Independentist Process

Podemos and the independentist process pose a challenge to each other. On the one hand, Podemos is forced to a dual challenge. In the first place, to build a national-popular project in the state as a whole, compatible with a plurinational conception of what is now the Spanish state, with the right to self-determination of the distinct nations that are its components, and in the absence of any hierarchical, political or symbolic relationship among them. This necessarily implies a clear defense of the right of the Catalan people to decide, the guarantee of a binding referendum if it comes to govern the state, and above all the acceptance of the right (which does not necessarily imply agreeing with the exercise that is made of it) of the people of Catalonia to decide unilaterally their future given the impossibility of doing so now in a legal referendum under a mutually agreed process.

Secondly, in Catalonia Podem has to construct its own project, which inevitably must root itself in Catalanismo and relate (in order to attract them) to a sector of the social bases in the independentist process, beginning with those of an ERC that is having growing difficulties in justifying to a portion of its electorate its permanent subordination to Mas. Between backing the independentist process and moving only outside of its confines there is space for a relevant force in Catalonia, but not for one that aspires to be the prop of a winning majority.

On the other hand, Podemos and Podem propose to the independentist process, and to their principal political and social protagonists, beginning with the Catalan National Assembly (ANC), the need to dialogue with an emerging political movement that crystallizes the discontent in a sense distinct from that of independentism. Podem galvanizes a social sector that is (at least partially) outside the independentist process (but that does not recognize itself in the Spain of Rajoy and Sánchez) and, at the same time, it speaks to sectors within that process that might swing away from it given the new possibilities of change offered by Podemos.

The new Catalan and Spanish political context forces a reposing of objectives and strategies for the independentist movement. The first and most important is to widen its popular social base, which is impossible without inserting an explicit social dimension in the movement, breaking with the strategic taboo that has led to doing precisely the contrary. The second is to be able to articulate a dialectical vision between a dynamic of accumulation of forces peculiar to Catalonia and the break at the state level from the institutional framework of the Regime of 1978, looking for mutual synergies and support through the defence of sovereign constituent processes. Unfortunately, both tasks have shone by their absence in the debate of recent months, which has been ridiculously centred around the advisability or not of a single independentist list on September 27, starkly illustrating the strategic limits of the approach of the ANC and the independentist mainstream. Very big challenges on the one hand, but strategic small-mindedness on the other. A bad combination, for sure.

With elections having been called for next September 27, the challenge is to put together a successful popular bloc that breaks with the Mas-ERC coalition. One that puts another alternative on the table, that points to new possibilities. This means breaking from the political and discursive framework fixed by Mas (and the other central actors of Catalan politics), but without pretending to play yet some other game or to stand alongside them but rather to reformulate the debate on independence and sovereignty, carrying those concepts to the end, drawing on the democratic thread, extending them to cover all spheres and thus proposing a democratic and participatory Catalan constituent horizon as a framework for shared convergence of all the processes of change.

Right to decide? Of course, but on all subjects, beginning with economic policy. Independence and sovereignty? Yes of course, but then let us talk about the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). Plebiscitary elections? Why not. But on all issues, not only on independence. On Mas itself, on the cutbacks, on austerity, on corruption.

With that focus, the possible futures, now bifurcated, can begin to be convergent. And from that point on there is no reason to limit the scope of our dreams or our confidence in our options. •

Josep Maria Antentas is a member of the editorial board of the magazine Viento Sur, and a professor of sociology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona.



1. Teresa Forcades is a Catalan physician, Benedictine nun, and prominent social activist and supporter of Catalan independence.

2. Arcado Oliveres is an economist, Christian activist, advocate of degrowth, and co-founder, with Teresa Forcades, of a popular platform for the secession of Catalonia.

3. David Fernández is a member of the Catalan parliament representing the alternative left and radical independence party Popular Unity Candidates (Candidatura d'Unitat Popular, CUP).

4. Podem is the Catalan counterpart of Podemos.


#5 Marc Bonhomme 2015-04-17 16:41 EST
Une tentative subliminale de laisser tombar la lutte pour l'indépendance du Québec
Il s'agit ici de profiter d'un débat en Catalogne dans la gauche anticapitaliste pour encourager subliminalement la gauche québécoise à remettre en question la lutte pour l'indépendance. L'enjeu du débat serait une alliance avec Podemos catalan lors des prochaines élections catalanes lesquelles pourraient avoir un caractère référendaire invitant à une alliance interclasse à la PQ dirigée par la droite. Comme Gauche anticapitaliste est membre fondateur de Podemos, on a envie de répondre que serait plutôt nécessaire un débat vigoureux au sein de Podemos qui ne soutient pas la lutte pour l'indépendance catalane. Idem pour la gauche anticapitaliste canadienne-anglaise dans les discussions qui se tiennent depuis le Forum social pan-canadien de l'été dernier pour former un parti radical de gauche pan-canadien incluant la gauche anticapitaliste québécoise. Tant une connaissance sommaire de l'histoire de la formation de l'État canadien (voir le paragraphe "The Quebec national question within Canada" dans mon essai "Class and the nation – A Québécois perspective", ESSF, 2004) que l'intensité du Quebec bashing bloquant toute unité prolétarienne pan-canadienne au sein de l'État fédéral fait de la lutte pour l'indépendance du Québec, et pas seulement pour son droit à l'autodétermination, la clef de voûte de toute rupture anticapitaliste tant au Québec qu'au Canada.

#4 David 2015-04-07 10:45 EST
As long as you think colonization is OK, you can disregard "independence movements" of all kinds. If you are oppposed to colonization, you can analyze the historical and cultural situation in each case. Of course smaller national units weaken capitalism, and that is why the capitalist press vehemently opposes the independence of Catalonia, Basque Country and Scotland, just to name three.

#3 Anonymous 2015-04-03 14:45 EST
Podemos and Catalan Independence

The problem with Podemos and Podem is that they do not recognize the Catalans as a political actor. Catalan self-determination is not possible when it is to be decided by Spaniards, on their terms. Moreover Podem is controlled by its leadership in Madrid. Bottom line Podemos is a Spanish party opposed to Cataln self-determination.

#2 Bob Lyons 2015-04-03 13:49 EST
The Nationalism of The Oppressed
Comrade Atentas is of course applying the theoretical principles of the Permanent Revolution to the actualities of today's struggles in Catalonia, and by implications to the Basque and other national minorities in Spain. His emphasis of the combined nature of the struggle is a reiteration of the phrase "that the nationalism of an oppressed people is the cloak which hides their social indignation (yes I know the original said indigestion but we are talking about a country of Indignados).

John Riddel is correct in applying the same analysis to the struggle in Canada and Quebec, where the nationalism of the Quebecois is exhibiting itself in the social sphere; the movement of the squares and now the anti-austerity movement.

We have seen this identical process (in term of its fundamentals) from Scotland through the Donbass and Crimea, Ireland and the unfolding water wars, to Argentina and the struggle against the British imperialist occupation where the workers have just conducted their third general strike in two years. The national question is inextricably linked to the social question, and vice versa, and the Left ignores this fact at its peril.

For Canadian revolutionaries, the task is to support the burgeoning social movement in Quebec through active acts of solidarity, while at the same time attempting to link up the mass action forms of struggle using Quebec as an example. The TA's movement, and the victory scored by the militancy of the rank and file is a good place to start. The fiscal crisis of the University is bi-national and so should be the response.

#1 Dale Dewar 2015-04-03 13:43 EST
Independence movements
Is there no one else who thinks that "independence movements" should be given a pass? Creating new and smaller "countries" with another layer of elites/rulers instead working on the real revolution away from corporate capitalism?

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