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Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1140
July 13, 2015

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Treating Syriza Responsibly

Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin

As against those on the international left so keen to put the boot in against the Syriza government with the charge that they had abjectly capitulated already with the plan passed in the Greek parliament, it is instructive to read this document from the German finance ministry.

Syriza's unique capacity on the international left to build the type of party capable of both mobilizing against neoliberalism and entering the state to try to actually do something about this has always hinged on the way it sought to find room for manoeuvre within a European Union which has neoliberalism in its DNA, going back all the way to the Treaty of Rome let alone the Economic and Monetary Union thirty years later. Anyone who at all seriously followed developments in Greece over the past five years should have known that the leadership of the party would only go as far as the Europeans would let it, and that the balance of power inside the party made the Left Platform faction's strategy for Grexit an effective non-starter. Those on the revolutionary left who hoped that after Syriza's election this leadership would get swept away by a massive popular upsurge for Grexit in face of the limits and contradictions of a Syriza government were, as usual, dreaming in technicolor.

Room for Manoeuvre?

Of course, the room for manoeuvre was much narrower than the leadership hoped, not least because of the incapacity of the left in Northern and Central Europe to shift the balance of forces in their own countries in even a minimal way. On the other hand, Syriza would never have been elected on the basis of a call for leaving the eurozone, nor would it have won the recent referendum. Those in and out of the party who have always called for an immediate Grexit never were persuasive on the necessary political conditions for this. Given the limits imposed by the unfavourable international balance of forces, those of us who argued that the room for manoeuvre inside the EU was a lot narrower than the Syriza leadership hoped, and therefore favoured connecting a socialist strategy to Grexit – and always made this view clear to our Syriza comrades – could not, however, help but be sympathetic to the dilemmas they faced. Not to have been would have been churlish beyond measure, especially given the socialist left's own political weakness in our own countries.

This remains true today. Despite how they have already been traduced by some on the radical left, the disciplinarians of neoliberalism made it clear yesterday that they believed that Syriza was not a typical social democratic party which could be trusted to accommodate to neoliberalism. Indeed, they clearly see that Syriza is a left party with socialism in its DNA, and one that whatever the constraints of staying within the EU, will continue to challenge European and global capitalism.

The exact content of the agreement that has now been struck between Syriza and the EU leaders will be examined in future Bullets in the coming days, and the reaction of the party and those who supported it in the referendum will be assessed. We hope Syriza can stay united as the most effective new socialist political formation on the European left that has emerged in recent decades. The role of a responsible international left is to support this, while continuing to point out the party's weaknesses in terms of lacking the capacity to build on the solidarity networks so as to create alternative economic plans at local and regional levels that would put people to work in transformed social relations. This is what really matters, and it would be no less crucial even with Grexit. The potential for this will also be addressed in forthcoming Bullets. Given our own weaknesses in this respect, considerable patience and modesty of the international left is called for as we watch this drama unfold. •

Leo Panitch is distinguished research professor and Sam Gindin is adjunct professor at York University, Canada. They co-authored The Making of Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire (Verso). Both are currently in Athens, Greece.


#21 Geoff Bickerton 2015-07-14 15:16 EDT
Demand the Impossible
I would like to echo the remarks of Ken Kalturnyk. I too don't think that criticizing Syriza for not being what it does not claim to be is at all useful. Likewise I do not believe that it is useful to characterize critics of Syriza as radical or revolutionary leftists. There are many dedicated, intelligent leftists that will find themselves on opposite sides when the vote is taken in the Greek parliament tomorrow.

Frankly, if I held the deciding vote I do not know what I would do. Of course it would be an easy choice if Greek society was prepared for a Grexit but it is not.

For an insight from a founding member of Syriza, and a brilliant leftist who spent several years in Canada before returning to Greece I would suggest you go to Amy Goodman's interview with Michalis Spourdalakis on Democracy Now.

#20 jean-pierre daubois 2015-07-14 14:50 EDT
is this a strike out?
As much as I respect both Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin, I have a hard time understanding their position on Greece - posted I must say one day before Tsipras accepted a 'compromise'. I do accept and share the comment they made that we, in the left, shall not act as outsider that deliver an easy critic ever more easier that we are further from the real action. However, we are also militants and in our own respective life and countries we face political adversity and deception and defeat and we all have known many, much too many as a matter of fact, progressives of self claimed revolutionary governments that are bending easy or not so easy up to the point that they are practicing exactly they were elected to change.

The tragedy is that for each dream broken in the masses there is a price to pay and the bigger the dream the more dramatic are the consequences for broken or abandoned promises. Cynicism, discouragement, abandonment grows from broken dreams. I have to say that the left is running short on supply of 'forgiveness' for broken promises.

The Greek people have and still give us hope of a better world. They sought solidarity and did get some. Even better the Greek government did what very few if not any government does nowadays when facing economic boycott/war - consulting it's own people instead of concluding bad deals being close doors and then being forced to defend their decision and by doing so abandon their own 'raison d'être'.

What is the point of rejecting three days ago to accept a similar and if not similar certainly horrible package - privatization, impoverishment, labour rights smashing etc....

We all know that the EURO zone is taking a NO COMPROMISE stand especially because SYRIZA has an anti-capitalist flavour and THAT can not be permitted. The neoliberals will not allow the left to strike a victory the monster of 'people revolt' must never claim a victory even partial. This is why they are so tough on Greece.

If Syriza was another political creature - a non menacing kind of creature, the right wing might have accepted to lend a small token of face saving for the greeks but since SYRIZA has committed the crime of practicing an anti-capitalist public stand they must be crushed fast... Very fast before others start to think that they too have an unjust, unacceptable debt, people like the Spaniards, the Italians, the Portugese, etc...

If we in the left, are doubting much - maybe for lots of reason - about our capacity to challenge capitalism, the right wing has no intention of letting us raise form the defensive stand we seem to be condemned to be adapting to.

The drama is there - Ok to say that we are far away, ok to say that we shall not be unsupportive because it is not going easy - but do you think like I do that tty elate decision will not weaken the resolve of the right wing but surely it will divide the SYRIZA camp.

It sure reminds me of Churchill vitriolic but so true comment at Chamberlain declaration of having saving the peace at Munich: "You had the choice between war and dishonour, you chose dishonour and you will have war."

Sadly Tsipras could have come back and take another referendum with an intend to mobilized against the crushing of the entire nation – maybe just maybe he might have get more than 61% since it is not so obvious that people will vote for humiliation not even mentioning what they will loose materially.

I have to conclude in thinking that, to my great sadness, we in the left have awaken the monster. The monster being the right wing fear of the people's revolt, now they are on the war path... Can we say the same about our side? What is left of Podemos hopes to mobilize in Spain now? What is left for us living far from such uprising?

#19 Miguel Figueroa 2015-07-14 12:19 EDT
A Dose of Honesty
It is not surprising, in a sense, that those who have tied their political reputations – and their no doubt sincere hopes for the future – to the Syriza bandwagon, should now so pathetically twist in the wind attempting to justify (or at least beg forgiveness for) this appalling surrender and defeat, this renunciation of their own 'principles', this betrayal of the Greek people's class interests and trust.

But searching in vain for a 'silver lining' just doesn't cut it. Apparently, critical – and self-critical – reflection and truth are in painfully short supply in this article, not to mention Panitch's earlier, and quite grotesque apologia.

It is revealing that the most objective and frank assessment of the sell-out 3rd Memorandum – that offered by the Greek Communists – does not even merit passing reference, much less serious consideration.

During the crucial debate in the Greek parliament on July 10th, the leader of the KKE (Communist Party of Greece), Dimitris Koutsoumpas, addressing the Syriza government had this to say:

“You were always supporters of political amorality [and] opportunism... Just 10 days ago, in this very hall, during the discussion of the proposal for the referendum, the KKE clearly pointed out to you that you were calling on the people to take part in a referendum with a 'yes' or 'no' that only had superficial differences, as both the 'yes' and the 'no' meant the acceptance of a new memorandum, perhaps worse than those we have already seen.

“You adjusted the 'no' of the people to a 'yes' for the new memorandum. Something that was confirmed the very day after the referendum, when the rest of the political parties, those that supported a 'yes' and those that supported a 'no' agreed to a new memorandum which will be even harsher.

“We were certain from the beginning that this would happen – not because we are soothsayers, but because your strategy, your programme, your position towards the EU, eurozone and the capitalist unions in general, your position regarding the development path and system that you want to serve, inevitably lead to you to struggle at the side of the EU, ECB, IMF, big capital, the monopoly groups, over how the division of the spoils will be conducted, how you will serve their profitability, how in the end you will reduce the people’s income, how you will economically reduce the price of labour power, how you will suck the people dry, so that the parasites of the system will prosper.”

Full article at

#18 Faiz Ahmed 2015-07-14 11:42 EDT
Why building capacity matters
Varoufakis on preparations for a Grexit:
"The answer is yes and no. We had a small group, a ‘war cabinet’ within the ministry, of about five people that were doing this: so we worked out in theory, on paper, everything that had to be done [to prepare for/in the event of a Grexit]. But it’s one thing to do that at the level of 4-5 people, it’s quite another to prepare the country for it. To prepare the country an executive decision had to be taken, and that decision was never taken. ... I never believed we should go straight to a new currency. My view was – and I put this to the government – that if they dared shut our banks down, which I considered to be an aggressive move of incredible potency, we should respond aggressively but without crossing the point of no return. We should issue our own IOUs, or even at least announce that we’re going to issue our own euro-denominated liquidity; we should haircut the Greek 2012 bonds that the ECB held, or announce we were going to do it; and we should take control of the Bank of Greece. This was the triptych, the three things, which I thought we should respond with if the ECB shut down our banks."

I leave it to other commentators to speculate on whether the 'triptych' would work in the face of the Troika which, in a curious divergence from finance-capital, was actually looking for a Grexit.

#17 S. Artesian 2015-07-14 11:09 EDT
Treating Syriza Respectfully
I thought I would ask Leo and Sam to respectfully suggest a way forward, concretely. Like...ummh, Tsipras has endorsed the EU's latest "program" for Greece, but now it has to make it through parliament. So, since, reportedly ANEL has decided to leave the coalition and vote "No," what should the Syriza MP's do? Do Leo and Sam recommend approval of the Troika's "program." It's a simple yes or no question, the most important question that the parliament has confronted since the election of Syriza, so important that I expect Varoufakis to be a no-show again like he was for July 10's vote.

Since Leo and Sam have shown up here to tell us how unrealistic the "left" has been in its analysis and "wishes" for the struggle in Greece, perhaps they will give that simple "yes" or "no," with all due respect of course.

#16 Ken Kalturnyk 2015-07-14 11:08 EDT
I agree with much of what Leo and Sam have written. I don't think that criticizing Syriza for not being what it does not claim to be is at all useful. Syriza is not a revolutionary party and makes no pretence of being so. It is best described as a left social democratic party and the limitations of such parties is well known.

If, as Leo and Sam have noted, Syriza underestimated the power of finance capital, then it seems to me that Syriza's condemners suffer from the same delusion. To suggest that Syriza could have negotiated a better deal if it had used different tactics or if it had played the Grexit card is to seriously underestimate the power of international finance capital. Greece could not have been allowed to "win" under any circumstances because of the precedent that would have set.

Whether Syriza should have promised the Greek people that it would try to end austerity without challenging the EU is something only the Greek people can answer. It seems to me that Syriza accurately represented the wishes of the majority of Greek people on this issue. The fact that it is a pipe dream is a different matter. The Greek people clearly wanted an end to austerity with a minimum of sacrifice (and violence). Who can blame them? I think that most people everywhere would agree. As long as that illusion remains dominant revolutionary change will not take place.

However, it seems to me that a revolutionary situation does not exist yet in Greece. Even if it did, it could not possibly lead to anything but devastation of Greece so long as a revolutionary situation does not exist in Germany and/or France (or at least Italy). Syriza's strategy may have been successful to some extent if a counterbalance to US-EU finance capital existed. However, it doesn't and I did not notice any of the BRICS countries offering Greece a bailout. To think that tiny Greece could standup against the power of US-EU capital without a powerful backer is dreaming in technicolor. Even with such backing Greece would not be allowed to escape the clutches of the EU without a lot of violence. And anyone who thinks that the Europeans are too civilized to stoop to supporting open fascist violence need look no further than Ukraine.

I think that this debate is seriously flawed. Instead of debating whether to support or condemn Syriza, I think that the debate should be on what kind of political organization is needed within the current circumstances, what are the limitations of left social democracy and how the "left" is going to crawl out of the mire in which we find ourselves.

As for the future of Syriza, I have to disagree with Leo and Sam. I may be wrong but I think that ship has sailed. I can't see how the "left" wing of Syriza can remain and avoid going down with the ship. I think Syriza is now a spent force. The real issue is whether the Greek people will now turn further left or to the right in order to attempt to escape from austerity. I have to admit that I am not optimistic on this question. If the Greek people become more radicalized, which seems inevitable, Golden Dawn will receive tons of money to ensure that any revolt remains under the control of finance capital. Plus the Greek military has a tradition of fascism and coups.

#15 Paul Pugh 2015-07-14 07:55 EDT
"In the coup d’état the choice of weapon used in order to bring down democracy then was the tanks. Well, this time it was the banks."

Yanis Varoufakis.

#14 ken 2015-07-13 21:07 EDT
Grexit as only road to sovereignty
Even if it made sense for Greek negotiators not to try for a Grexit from the first, as it became clear that the creditors were willing to do away with almost none of the austerity policies that are conditions for the former bail out loan, surely Syriza should have been making plans for a Grexit and using the threat of a Grexit as leverage for a better deal. Instead Tsipras and Varoufakis promised they would do virtually anything for a deal. While it is true that a majority of Greeks wanted to stay in the Euro zone, the Syriza negotiators never tried to involve the Greek populace in debate about a Grexit or set forth an alternative program involving a Grexit. Even after a NO vote to the creditors austerity program, Tsipras and his group presented an even harsher set of proposals to the creditors and ended up accepting a deal that even trumps that. Why should one have the slightest sympathy for Syriza and its turncoat leaders. They should have accepted the deal that Schaueble, the German Finance Minister suggested, a Grexit with some sweeteners. Instead Tsipras washed away all his red lines and then some, and must show he is serious by passing legislation by next Wednesday.Meanwhile somewhere in the future there may be discussion of debt restructuring as long as it does not involve a haircut. There was no mandate for Syriza to negotiate a worse deal than the populace rejected so they could have walked away and faced the Grexit that Schaueble wanted.

#13 Roland Sheppard 2015-07-13 20:51 EDT
Editorial: Syriza A Popular Front
Editorial: Syriza A Popular Front

#12 S. Artesian 2015-07-13 20:23 EDT
Greece Again
Wait a minute, Leo. Yesterday you were awaiting the outcome of this "momentous day" before passing judgement on Syria. Today we know that momentous outcome, which are terms harsh enough to raise a wart on a tombstone, and blister the paint on a parking meter. And still, you can't or won't come to grips with Syriza's failure, its immanent failure, based on its allegiance to European capitalism. Syriza sold the bullshit that austerity could be separated from debt, debt from the European Union, the European Union from European capitalism, and European capitalism from Greek capitalism. Got anything to say about that little piece of Greek mythology? Any evidence that says Greek capitalism can stand on its own legs without subservience to European capitalism? That European capitalism is not the raison d'etre of the EU? That the debt is not the vital process of European capitalism? That austerity was not essential to enforcing the debt?

You're (not) strangely silent on that daisy chain of oppression, as was Syriza -- which of course is why both you and Syriza are now irrelevant.

#11 John R Bell 2015-07-13 19:46 EDT
Panitch and Gindin
Syriza should never have promised an end to austerity within the euro zone. Their slogan should have been an end to austerity -- and within the euro zone if possible. As for Panitch and Gindin, is it not time to put them out to pasture? Only they could rationalize all of the added suffering Syriza imposed on the Greek people by the party leadership's protracted capitulation and final humiliation.

#10 Jara Handala 2015-07-13 19:23 EDT
Let's learn from one another
1) It's not clear why Friday's background paper from the German Finance Ministry is "instructive" - except as evidence that within days a German state view ends up, almost word-for-word, in Monday's agreement, an agreement by the Tsipras faction for the worst austerity suffered by Greeks since 2008.

2) Both of you, Leo and Sam, have stood out amongst socialists internationally for emphasising the need for the working class and its allies to create organizations with the capacities to achieve their aims. It seems the Tsipras faction will soon test what capacities they have at their disposal: capacities within the state (perhaps repression against those intent on wrecking today's agreement and the latest Memorandum of Understanding that 'both parties' will work on in the coming weeks); capacities within SYRIZA (to control any dissent that emerges, not least if there's a move toward a 'gnu', the beast that is the Government of National Unity, or a 'goat', the Government of All the Talents); and third, whatever capacities they have developed within civil society ('the social movements', the trade unions, and elsewhere).

3) But one must ask you both, what's the evidence of "Syriza's unique capacity [. . .] to build the type of party capable of [. . .] mobilizing against neoliberalism"?

4) Ditto, the evidence of "Syriza's unique capacity [. . .] to build the type of party capable of [. . .] entering the state to try to actually do something about this [i.e. neoliberalism]"?

5) 'Entering the state to combat market fundamentalism', entering today's Greek state, owing close to €400bn, and, crucially, unable to service this debt with its own money? Do you both think the Tsipras faction has, to use your own words directed at some of their opponents, been "dreaming in technicolor"?

6) Why do you say the Tsipras faction faced "dilemmas"? Did they find themselves faced with options that were all deleterious? They always had the option to be honest with their party and electoral supporters (all 23% of the electorate), tell them what they had discovered, discuss it with them, and even come to the conclusion that they didn't want to be a party to austerity, to resign, calling new elections. But the Tsipras faction persisted, ending up as 'our austerians', with the task now of enforcing the most austere austerity since 2008. Do you think this enhances the credibility of lefties as the voice for a better world?

7) How do you justify saying "Syriza [. . .] will continue to challenge European and global capitalism"? What's the evidence? The 20 February agreement, the 30 June proposals, the 9 July proposals, and the 13 July agreement are all evidence of *submission* to "European and global capitalism", not a challenge to it. The evidence is privatisation, welfare cuts, wage cuts, regressive tax increases (Value Added Tax on sales). White is not the new black - especially when the lamb is choking and flailing about in a pool of its own blood.

8) What is glaringly missing from your short analysis is any sense of political strategy. There is no mention of a mantra from the 60s and 70s: the need *to prepare*, with a politics against capital flight and a politics against the investment strike. Let alone a politics of rupture with the capital relation and the capitalist state. And in the case of Greece today, preparing for a change of currency - with prior capital controls - and doing their best to educate the citizenry about the unavoidable disruption of even the smoothest transition. Socialists may be a minority in any party, but they need to always face reality, to always tell the truth, to always combat those who spread illusions.

Isn't this what socialist politics is all about? But then I suppose it depends on why we bother building capacities, for what purpose, to which end - be it to undermine the capital relation or to modify it, trying to meliorate the unavoidable suffering of exploitation and oppressions. This is an important reason why talk of left and right is a dangerous misconception: politics in a capitalist society is about where one stands with respect to the capital relation: reproducing it, modifying it, undermining it. That so many forget their socialist ABC is one index of how low we have sunk.

9) Lastly, we must all be pleased that the site will host lots of Bullets about the adventures of the Tsipras faction and Greece generally. Let's hope productive discussions are generated, including comments by the authors upon what we underlings - or under-lines - come up with. As a commenter has just noted, we need to learn from what happens.

#9 Anonymous 2015-07-13 17:57 EDT
What has been learned from this fiasco?
Why not just capitulate at the beginning and save us all the nonsense? In the end the result is the same. Most Greeks who thought or believed that voting could have changed and improved their situation are now likely wiser. Who will they hold responsible?
The German government of Merkel?
The EU/ECB/IMF cabal?
All of the above?
What will Greek workers, pensioners, etc. do now besides suffer? Will striking help at this point?

#8 David Langille 2015-07-13 17:42 EDT

I appreciated your discussion of the issue of "trust". I briefly wondered whether the Germans did not trust Syriza because they had been monitoring their internal communications and uncovered a nefarious plot to undo whatever agreement was reached, but soon concluded that they didn't trust the Greeks shared their free market values and commitment to neoliberalism.

It will be fascinating to see Syriza they might "build on the solidarity networks so as to create alternative economic plans at local and regional levels that would put people to work in transformed social relations." I look forward to reading about concrete experiments from around the world.

#7 Jim Brash 2015-07-13 17:04 EDT

No reasonable person should expect anyone to continue to hope in and support a party that promised the end of austerity (without a plan for its end) but is willing to continue it (still without a plan to end it) without explaining why more hardship is acceptable now when for weeks and months the same party said it wasn't. With the exit of Yanis as finance minister, is it possible that the center-left leadership is being pushed and pulled to the center-right? Also, what happens if the byproduct of this new agreement is that Syriza splits. I think Syriza can survive it's first year as the leading party in government but I don't think Tsparis will finish the summer as prime minister unless he stops negotiating and starts leading his people to actually discuss alternatives. I hope Syriza has an unplayed card.

#6 Jim Brash 2015-07-13 16:37 EDT

At some point, if Syriza doesn't come up with its own plan forward, the Greek populace will turn on it. The deal isn't good for Greece. It's only beneficiaries are the bankers and Germany's regional hegemony. The political situation could become untenable for Syriza and especially for Tsparis quite quickly. Also Syriza doesn't seem to be leading the Greek people, and that could open the door to Golden Dawn and other neo-fascists to actually do so.

#5 Paul Zarembka 2015-07-13 16:14 EDT
"responsible"? or "ridiculous"?
"Tsipras rattled his sabre until it was blunt – and for what?" [The Guardian]

And this was written last Friday. Just think about the whole pattern since Syriza's leadership took over the government, or, for a broad view:
from Athens: "Syriza looks ridiculous":
University of Athens' Creston Davis argues that the Syriza party platform looks more like the Democratic Party in the 60's rather than a leftist party - July 13, 2015.

Anyway, public employees in Greece are going on strike:

#4 Bradley Mayer 2015-07-13 15:44 EDT
Syriza-Troika Deal
Even hysterical revolutionary leftists like Paul Krugman don't agree. It is stated "neoliberalism made it clear yesterday that they believed that Syriza was not a typical social democratic party which could be trusted to accommodate to neoliberalism. Indeed, they clearly see that Syriza is a left party with socialism in its DNA, and one that whatever the constraints of staying within the EU, will continue to challenge European and global capitalism." If the Greek people don't kick them out first.

There are all sorts of "lefts" and "socialists", as the Communist Manifesto famously enumerated, but what neoliberalism smelled in Syriza was a middle class party with *no working class base*. Its public association with "radical leftism" and "Marxism" therefore made Syriza a convenient foil and whipping boy, an example to be made of before the world. The devil lies in the overall public impression of Troika triumph and Syriza capitulation promoted by the "fronting" neoliberals and their media supporters, and not in the agreement details.

#3 Anonymous 2015-07-13 15:25 EDT
Phrases in place of policy shift
As usual Leo Panitch finds "the necessary political conditions" for transformative social action lacking, and as usual "the unfavourable international balance of forces" rules any structural shift out. It would be good if we had more than buzz phrases for more surrender to the prevailing disorder. Why does public banking, for example, always remain unspeakable here although already proven the only basis of a social system that advances -- from China and Latin America today to unprecedented prosperity from Japan to Canada in the post-War prosperity until privatizing Wall Street fiats plus U.S. bombing destroy it -- Libya and its new Bank of Africa backed by public oil money being the latest case of economic genocide. Is that what "unfavourable international balance of forces" means, or is it merely another concealing phrase with no definition?

#2 Anonymous 2015-07-13 15:16 EDT

What a heartbreak. Sad, sad, sad! All governments take heed.

#1 Purple Library Guy 2015-07-13 15:01 EDT
Harsh situation all round
They're between a rock and a hard place. But they should still dump the Euro. Exit is ultimately the only workable strategy on a number of fronts -- in normal economic terms, in terms of dealing with a European strategy of systematic blackmail (take away their hold or they keep sucking you dry forever), in terms of gaining freedom to advance a better political/economic project, and so on.

It's definitely a pity the Greek people don't yet get this and would not get behind a project of pushing it forward. Doubtless much pro-Euro propaganda has been deployed over the last decade or so. Things could change, though -- the Germans in particular seem absolutely dedicated to making existence in the eurozone enough of a living hell for the Greeks that they leave.

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